Baby Harvartis and Peach Roses

The flamboyant Honeylocust trees flaunted their golden, brown, and colorful parade of leaves; my living room, with its open space, started to slowly get smaller as my friends arrived; my little red kettle was whistling its tunes of good cheer, loudly welcoming people as they trickled into my suite. My suite buzzed with chatter and spacy, smiling eyes which filled the space with low murmurs of laughter. I watched the gentle steam of the cooking pot curled up and blurred the blanched kitchen windows. Most of the people there were welcome familiar faces. Others were new, whom I greeted with a hug as if I were seeing an old friend. People helped themselves to multiple glasses of my selection of Trader Joe’s wine. The guest list that night was around twenty something people, which also meant twenty plus mouths to feed.

I brought the charcuterie board out, with a jovial selection of cheese and meats already carefully laden, ready to eat. Each cheese carried different notes to it, intentionally selected. I had an earthy, aged asiago with a nutty bite; a tangy mini blueberry havarti; two goudas with sweet, fruity undertones; and a piquant, thinly sliced extra sharp cheddar. I paired the sliced wheel of French brie with honey-roasted turkey slices on top of saltine crackers, and decorated the edges of the board with wreaths of seedless green grapes. The charcuterie board was stunning, even though it was gone within minutes. The meats–they included some pastrami, two types of prosciutto, and three very fat, very thick saucisson sec sausages expertly diced by the farmer’s market butcher. I’m personally not a carnivore, but that was the only thing that some of my friends would eat–which would unsurprisingly be devoured in an instant. Upon coming back to check on my guests, I laughed at how fast the food disappeared; then followed by bottles and bottles of differently flavored rose: watermelon, mango, apricot, and peach—my favorite. And of course, a massive bottle of champagne. Everything was gone within the first half an hour despite towers of food and drinks, which made my heart sing.

There was also a myriad of home-baked delectables: an apple cinnamon lattice pie, pumpkin spice cheesecake bars, and date toffee puddings were made from scratch, just like the bonds between everyone at my party. Everyone cooed as the oven opened and saturated the apartment with an aroma of sweetness.  There were no songs playing in the background, but the clinking of glasses and lovely conversation suffused the room with music. It is extremely rewarding when I get to see everyone enjoying themselves. I also always look forward to welcoming more people over; it is really important to me to make everyone feel included, especially the new people. After all, half of these folks are like my second family, while the other half are friends of friends who I am just meeting. Either way–sometimes it is nice to celebrate and cherish friendship, simply because. So these are what my Friday evenings often look like; some of my favorite things all in one place: delightful company, baby harvartis, and peach roses. What more could I ask for?

Alice Shi
A MULTILINGUAL 新年, a MONGOLIAN new year’s eve

As I stepped into the bustling streets with my family, I could feel the electric energy in the air. 红灯笼 red lanterns adorned every corner, casting a warm glow over the village. The rhythmic beat of 堂鼓 ceremonial hall drums and the clashing of cymbals filled my ears, creating a lively symphony that echoed through the alleys. The aroma of incense and street food wafted through the air, mingling with the sounds and colors of the festivities.

People dressed in vibrant red and gold outfits, the auspicious colors of Chinese New Year, filled the streets with 福气 lucky spirit, smiling and greeting each other with well wishes. Children ran around, clutching their 大白兔糖 white rabbit candy with glee, while adults exchanged 红包, the traditional red envelopes filled with money, as a symbol of prosperity and blessings for the year ahead.

As I made my way to the local 市场 market with my family and grandparents, I was captivated by the sight of 舞狮舞龙, lion and dragon dances, that mesmerized the crowd. The acrobatic 狮子 lions leaped and twirled, augmented by the rhythmic beating of 堂鼓 drums and 钹 cymbals, brewing a palpable air of excitement amongst the crowds. The colorful dragon 舞龙, with its sinuous body and powerful movements, represents a symbol of strength and good fortune. Both the lion and dragon weaved their way through the streets—spreading 吉祥如意 happiness and festivity everywhere that they dance.

The streets were lined with vendors selling aromatic Chinese and Mongolian 街头小吃 street food delicacies and 传统手工艺品 traditional artisan crafts. The market stalls were filled with a dazzling array of festive treats— from 羊肉串儿 lamb skewers, to 红糖年糕 brown sugar sticky rice cakes, to 糖葫芦 candied haw fruits, the vendors were calling out their wares—enticing me with their delicious smells and vibrant displays. I couldn't resist sampling some of the culinary delights, savoring the rich flavors and unique textures of each dish.

Other vendors were selling a diverse array of traditional decorations, charms, and crafts; from 红灯笼 red lanterns, to 剪纸 paper cutouts of 十二生肖 the twelve Chinese zodiac animals, to 门口对联 duìlián paper door banners, to 倒符 upside down fú—I was captivated by the intricate artisanship and vibrant colors of the decorations. Each of the different Chinese New Year decorations symbolize a different meaning according to the legend of ‘Nian’.

‘Nian’ was a monster who would always come out of his frozen tundra during the end of winter and the dawn of spring when Chinese villagers were just beginning to celebrate the first blooming signs of spring, revival of life. Every year, ‘Nian’ would terrorize the villages and bring destruction to the Chinese people and their homes. The villagers prayed to the 天堂皇帝, emperor of the sky and heavens, to send a savior to rescue the village and prevent ‘Nian’ from destroying their homes. One year, their prayers were answered when a little boy in the village was dressed in a vibrant red outfit; as ‘Nian’ came out of his hibernation to attack the village again, he saw the the little boy dressed in red, and yelped in fear. The little boy then set off red firecrackers and told all of the villagers to create and put red decorations on their doors. The red decorations therefore acted like a 护身符 protectant charm for all of the families and children—celebrating as the the scary ‘Nian’ was driven out of their villages.

Each of the different decorations, therefore, carry a different meaning in Chinese tradition. The red lanterns cast a red glow that light the way for villagers to go home safely in the evening, as darkness descended and the ‘Nian’ monster was preparing to attack. Thus, the red latern has come to be associated with driving off bad luck and representing light and guidance. The red paper cutouts, and paper door banners ensure protection and safety for villagers who hang them in front of their doors. And finally,

The Our family would always purchase a few decorations to bring the blessings and protection into our own home.

As the daylight began to fade and the evening descended upon us, the town was illuminated with an even more captivating sight. 烟花 fireworks painted a brilliant array of colors across the sky, creating a breathtaking show of lights that filled the atmosphere. The city streets were ablaze with the scarlet glow of firecrackers. A symphonic cacophony of the sound of laughter and cheer filled the air, and the night came alive in a whirlwind of palpable, brewing excitement and joy.

Near the end of the market, the air was thick with incense smoke and 雕像 statues of Buddas such as 观音菩萨 Quan Yin and 大肚眯快佛 Laughing Buddha and the 审查制度 (shěnchá zhìdù) censurs in front of the 菩萨 buddhas burned slowly; worshippers lined up to pay their duties and respects to the deities. The sound of 诵经 spiritual chanting and bells ringing filled the air, creating a serene and reverent atmosphere. The intricate 国画 calligraphy paintings and vibrant 铁窗 paper decorations on the windows depicted scenes from Chinese mythology and history, adding to the sense of awe and reverence. As I walked through the market grounds, I marveled at the array of 供品 offerings made by devotees. Fresh mandarins, 水果盘 fruit baskets, 花束 flower bouquets, and burning 烧香 incense filled the altars, creating a fragrant and colorful display. The soft glow of candles and the flickering light of oil lamps added to the mystical ambiance, creating a sense of peace and spirituality.

As we walked leisurely back home, still taking in the fading roar of the festivities of the streets, I felt myself bubbling with excitement to begin to perform our family traditions and rituals. Upon entering my grandparent’s home, the women in my family would surround the dining table to prepare the 年夜饭, New Year Eve’s feast. On the other hand, the men in my family would sit around the TV, downing 白酒 Chinese vodka in porcelain blue shot glasses, and roaring with laughter and drunken conversation. 年夜饭 New Year’s Dinner consisted of a rich amalgamation of several dishes, each symbolizing its own meaning. Several of the most important, signature dishes that are eaten annually in my family, include 水饺 with a variety of different delicious 馅儿 or fillings. My family loves to eat the following fillings: 青菜猪肉馅儿 which is celery and pork filling, 韭菜鸡蛋馅儿 chive and eggs filling, 胡萝卜羊肉馅儿 carrot and lamb filling, and 素材馅儿 which is a vegetable filling usually composed of vermicilli rice noodles, baby shrimp, cabbage, mushroom, and any other sauteed or unused vegetables.

With practiced fingers, my mom, 姥姥 maternal grandma, and 舅妈 maternal auntie would deftly roll out the dough for the dumplings and form them into the shape of a circle. They would often cajole me to join them in sealing the circle of dough with the different fillings, requiring me to learn how to skillfully press the edges of the circle dough so that they look like they are laced with a lettuce pattern, and shape them into perfect crescents. When making dumplings, my 姥姥 would carefully wash and select several 人名币 RMB coins and place them inside the filling; We carry the tradition of hiding the coins inside of the dumpling, because it is believed to bring good luck and fortune to the person who eats the dumpling—given that they don’t swallow the coin.

In addition to 水饺, on my maternal side of the family, we are Han-Mongolian so my 姥姥 would also often make her signature 蒙古火锅 Mongolian hot pot, a rich and indulgent dish lined with hand-made pork meatballs, seaweed, and 扣肉 buckle meat or braised pork belly. She prepares the dish by slowly simmering everything together in a flavorful braising liquid until it is tender and melt-in-your-mouth delicious. As the pork and buckle meat cooks, the fat begins to render—infusing it with a deep, savory flavor. My 姥姥 makes the braising liquid with sugar, soy sauce, and a variety of aromatics like ginger and star anise—adding a complex sweetness to the dish. The flavor of the final meat is a rich balance of savory and umami notes that linger on the tongue. Oftentimes guests would coo as my grandma lifted up the lid and steam would rise out of the boiling pot—revealing a dish with a beautiful caramel-colored glaze, with meat so tender that it falls apart with the slightest touch of a fork. The hearty, shared dish is a symbol that mimics the warmth, comfort, and celebration of our family gatherings at Chinese New Year and is always devoured fully with delight, leaving our hearts full, bellies stuffed, and plates empty.

Finally, my family would almost always prepare steamed fish because of the Chinese saying 年年有余 symbolizing abundance and excess and a mimicry of the word ‘yu’ meaning excess, to the sound of the word ‘fish’ also pronounced ‘yu’. Usually, it is my dad who will steam the fish whole and marinate it in a combination of soy sauce, rice wine, ginger, and scallions, so that it is inundated with a delicate yet savory flavor. The white fish is loaded with aromatic fillings such as garlic, lemon slices, radishes, and bell peppers, adding an extra burst of freshness to the dish. My dad steams the fish over high heat until it is tender, flaky, and garnishes it with colorful vegetables like cilantro, thinly sliced potatoes, and ginger. Finally, my dad will drizzle and coat the fish in a delicious sauce made with vinegar, soy sauce, and sugar for an extra burst of flavor and moisture, creating the perfect balance of sweet and savory to each bite.

After everyone enjoys the delectable feast, often pants unbuttoned by the end of the night, we would turn on the Chinese New Year show and start the countdown until midnight, before performing our annual tradition, the red envelop ritual that the children in the family have to perform to their elders. It is tradition for my brother, cousins, and I to dress in our best clean clothes and stand before our elders—including our parents, grandparents, uncles and aunties—to perform deep bows in exchange for crisp, red envelops filled with money. Specifically, the bows we have to enact include three main steps: first, we have to say prayers and blessings to the elder that we are receiving red packet money from. This includes proverbial idioms such as 住长辈生体健康, meaning to wish our elders good health; 万事如意 meaning to wish a successful and smooth time ahead; 长寿不老 meaning to wish longevity and a good life; and many many more good omens for the new year. After saying our prayers, the children are expected to get on our knees, and bow so deeply to our elders that our forehead has to touch the ground three times before getting up to receive the red packet money. The purpose of doing this is to practice our values of filial piety, gratitude, and respect for our elders. Moreover, it can also be seen as a traditional and spiritual practice where the children show their appreciation for their elders using prayers and blessings in exchange for red packet money; while the elders reciprocate in a more material way by giving us tangible money, Chinese tradition emphasizes how sincere intentions are more valuable than any possession. The red envelop ritual is a necessity in both my family and the general Chinese tradition in order to welcome good fortune in for the new year.

Before everyone would go off to bed, my 姥爷 and 姥姥 would share stories about their childhood celebrating Chinese New Year. In Mongolia, it is tradition to worship the fire god of their shamanist roots, where the elders of the family would light nine small lamps and offer sacrifices of mutton, butter wine, and other delicacies to the fire, while chanting incantations to our ancestors for protection and blessings for the new year. After the initial welcoming of the new year on New Year’s Eve, the celebrations continue on for an entire week.

Ever since entering college, I am not able to join my grandparents and family physically in Mongolia to celebrate our annual Chinese New Year gatherings. Instead, my brother and I join in virtually through video-calling our family over the Chinese app Wechat, to say our prayers and wish our extended family good luck and prosperity for the new year ahead. I miss walking through the night market with my family in the evening—sampling different street vendor food and taking home lucky charms and decorations. I miss seeing the fireworks light up the sky and fire crackers create a explosive cacophy of ‘booms,’ ‘bangs,’ and ‘pangs.’ I miss my grandmother’s cooking and hearing the obnoxious, thundering laughter of my jiu jiu uncle and lao ye maternal grandpa catching up with my dad and his business in Shanghai. Soon, I know that I will be able to cherish these moments again, reunited through the spirit of our family new year traditions.

Alice Shi
Antiblack Racism: An Analysis on Gordon

What does Gordon mean by an ossified duality of Absence and Presence (of human substance), as represented by the black body versus the white body?

Gordon attempts to examine antiblack racism from the standpoint of Sartrean bad faith. Bad faith is an outlook where the individual engages in self-deception– whether conscious or not– in an attempt to evade agency and responsibility over one’s own freedom. Gordon asserts that antiblack racism is a paragon illustration of bad faith, which is a constant possibility of human existence. Antiblack racism is the view that black people are somehow innately inferior or subhuman to other races, particularly whites. For instance, Gordon laments that “the notion of being colored, being dark, [is] a mark of inferiority” in the white man’s world– where “for the most part, whiteness is pure, and all others are colored down the line to the blackest”. As a result, miscegenation offered people a way to be ‘less colored’ rather than branded as someone fully and completely inferior. Although dominant groups may wish to maximize their liberty, they may also wish to deny their responsibility in the face of such liberty”–  rendering bad faith practiced by both black and white groups. Gordon argues that the concept of bad faith militates against any human science that is built upon a theory of human nature; therefore, antiblack racism challenges the definition of what is considered to be human. 

Gordon’s primary theses proposes that such antiblack racist attitudes are used as a manifestation of bad faith, an instrument of control deriving from the white man’s self-interest, and a means to push aside the responsibility of constructing a just, moral, and humane world. Specifically, Gordon posits that there are three premises to antiblack racism, the first being that in an antiblack world, white people are superior to black people. The first premise suggests that the “white’s existence is justified, whereas the black’s existence needs justification” (131, Gordon). In other words, black people need to prove their worthiness of existence to be seen by white people– which renders feelings of invisibility. This is further reinforced by institutional affirmations toward whiteness coupled with denial of black beingness. In Sartrean terms, “the white’s facticity becomes his transcendence, and the black’s transcendence becomes his facticity” (134, Gordon). Blackness is a projection of racist attitudes contrived by white people. However, the societal meanings that are assigned to specific racial groups eventually become so ingrained that they assume certain affectively charged associations.  Gordon argues that exposure to racist attitudes does not necessarily constitute bad faith, but taking part in the preservation of such an attitude is participating in a form of bad faith.

In examining the language that black people use when engaging in anti blackness, I agree with Gordon that even black usage of the terms such as ‘n*gger” are defamatory (by black people) because it buys into and actively practices a term used to oppress blacks, devised by white people. Gordon argues that “blackness emerges as a consequence of white identity,” where the usage of specific derogatory terms targeted at black people not only keeps such sentiment alive, but also reinforces antiblack racism in bad faith (115, Gordon). The author asserts that the “untruth of a race is a lived reality precisely because many of us have learned to live it, passionately, as true,” illustrating the self delusion of believing in a false ‘perceived’ truth of unequal races (136, Gordon). Furthermore, it suggests that black people subconsciously have adopted the view that white people are inherently superior while black people are inferior. Usage of such terms imply that certain blacks have adopted the white mask and engage in the practice of bad faith, where self-deception of buying into conditioned norms plays a key role. The very attribution of values such as superiority versus inferiority to people suggests that each group engages in a deep ontological denial of human reality– illuminating the practice of bad faith in both groups.

(666 words)

A Phenomenology of Whiteness: An Analysis on Ahmed

How can Ahmed’s discussion of navigating blackness in orientation to whiteness be analogous to other examples other than having a disability or being aneurotypical?

The feminist philosopher’s essay can be divided up into four main sections: orientations, habit worlds, ‘being not’ bodies, and her conclusion on arrivals. Her discussion of orientation can be best thought of as being akin to the white gaze, but in application to the real world and its spaces; for instance, Ahmed would likely say that we live in a world that is orientated towards white people, where institutional spaces have defaulted white people as its inhabitants and authority. This leaves out blacks and other colored bodies, given that the world is not orientated towards them and poses unique challenges to their orientations. In other words, Ahmed contends that the world and its spaces are ordered in a way that favors the disposition towards white people– a privilege that is not extended to black bodies and other colored people. This is parallel to Ahmed’s following conception of the ‘habit world,’ where she establishes that society has been habituated to follow white ideologies as the standard practice. Ahmed argues that as a result, black bodies are denied their being and made invisible/belittled. This is underscored by the fact that white people occupy the main crux of the ‘background’, meaning that they have resources and people behind them to support whiteness in a way that black bodies are deprived of. Finally, Ahmed exacerbates the invisibility of the black experience by contrasting it with the stark noticeability of blackness when they enter and occupy white-dominated spaces, rendering the disorientation of whiteness. The clear juxtaposition of the ‘arrival’ of black or colored bodies demonstrates the deep extent to which whiteness is centered in our world. 

Ahmed opens her paper by proclaiming that “whiteness could be described as an ongoing and unfinished history” that orientates bodies in certain directions, “affecting how they ‘take up’ space’ and what they ‘can do’” (149, Ahmed). She suggests that non-white bodies experience a certain level of restrictiveness that limits their freedom in ways that white people are never bound by, due to their ‘worldliness’ and orientation. Such orientation describes a default disposition that society caters to, in this case, to the norms of white people and white culture. Ahmed’s concept of ‘orientation’ is perhaps best illustrated with her analogy of a neurotypical person. A person with disabilities who is living in a neurotypical world experiences unique challenges due to their needs being unaccomodated for; society is oriented toward normal people with full capabilities, and thus unintentionally discriminates against disabled individuals by not taking them into consideration. The act of ‘ignoring’ an entire subset of the population can also be applied to the black experience. Ergo, this creates an invisible standard that all ‘colored’ people are held to, and that white people are exempt from. With respect to the concept of racial orientation, Ahmed also asserts that “whiteness is inherited through the very placement of things”– bringing in special relations and the dynamic of familiarity (155, Ahmed). Familial bonds, ancestral ties, have a sort of shared proximity to each other and space that can be inherited. There is an element of likeness to societal orientations– to which Ahmed suggests that we inherit proximities, spaces, and hence orientations themselves. 

In discussing the construction of habit worlds in an effort to explain how whiteness holds its place, Ahmed describes the way in which bodies take up space through habitual actions that allow white predominance to maintain its power (Ahmed, 156). The paper explores how whiteness can be considered and functions as a habit that we actively breathe, live, and practice. “A phenomenology of whiteness helps us to notice institutional habits; it brings what is behind to the surface in a certain way” (149, Ahmed). In doing so, Ahmed discusses the concept of reification multiple times in her essay; according to google dictionary, reification means to make something more abstract or real. Ahmed proposes that whiteness is “lived as a background experience”-- suggesting that the world of whiteness and its dominance is something that humans constantly live in, but do not engage in. She says that the experience of whiteness is almost like something that is subconscious, but never fully recognized. Ahmed considers what ‘whiteness’ does without assuming whiteness as an ontological given but as that which has been received, or become given, over time. Thus, the ‘orientation’ Ahmed expounds upon is a part of this background experience. This also breeds the concept of ‘habit’ that Ahemed discusses in the second section of her essay. To put it simply, society’s orientation towards whiteness becomes an accepted habit for people of all kinds, whether willingly or against the will.

Ahmed’s third section, titled ‘being not’ bodies, explores the negation that black people experience, particularly the denial of black people as full human beings. She proclaims that “to be black in ‘the white world’ is to turn back towards itself, to become an object,” which not only limits black expression and occupation in the world, but it also means that black people are “diminished as an effect of the bodily extensions of others” (161, Ahmed). She employs the example of being ‘stopped’– both in a literal and metaphorical sense– to describe the unsolicited trauma that black people go through. For instance, to be ‘stopped’ can refer to the impalpable pain of having one’s dreams interrupted, being prohibited from engaging in something that welcomes other groups, being limited to certain options without the ability to move on to bigger aspirations, being confined to certain spaces and having restricted mobility. For instance, there are only a handful of black people who go into academia– not because they are not smart or hardworking enough, but purely because their conditions are inhibited from taking up the same opportunities provided to white people– financial, racial, social, and otherwise. Physical and more immediate examples of black bodies being stopped include the ‘stop and search’ enforced by policemen, as well as being double checked at the airport due to one’s race or nationality. Ahmed proclaims that “being stopped is not just stressful: it makes the ‘body’ itself the ‘site’ of social stress: (161, Ahmed). Thus, the experience of the black man is one of a persistent feeling of negation, and lives in a “third person consciousness” due to being constantly objectified by a white orientation.

Alice Shi
Black Skins, White Masks: An Analysis on Fanon

How does Fanon’s lived experiences of racism relate to Sartre’s theory on identity and bad faith for black people?

In chapter five of Fanon’s work “Black Skins, White Masks,” Fanon recounts memoirs of racist treatment towards him on various different levels and encounters with others– as suggested by the name of the chapter. Fanon discussed the conception of black people as being at a constant indentured servitude of white people. The reading opens with a fury of expletives that are specifically targeted at black people– used to disclose the deeply hurtful derision that blacks have to endure, and temporarily pull the reader in to feeling what the black experience is like. He uses such terms because they are used by white people to degrade and oppress blacks. Black people would never create such names for themselves; they are debasing expressions that white people assign to them. By opening the chapter with such a vehement scene, Fannon explores the power of the white gaze in permeating the cultural fabric and norms that determine black identity. Additionally, this scene provides Fannon’s personal example of how white people try to enforce their idea of ‘blackness’ onto black people– stripping them of their agency to determine their own identity.

Fanon’s autobiographical piece illustrates the extent to which endemic racist thinking is ingrained into systemic practices, and the insurmountable challenges for people subject to racism to escape it. Fanon expounds upon how the black man is only seen for what he has to offer– his labor, looks, servitude, or intellect– but he is never recognized as a person, in full. Fannon proclaims that isolating the blackness of black people, whether with good or ill intent, makes the black experience all the more infuriating. This is because such actions are done through the lens of objectification, which further dehumanizes the black man. For instance, Fannon describes a woman who casually exclaims “look how handsome that Negro is" (94, Fannon). Fannon posits that although the woman may be trying to express desire, which implies that she views him in a positive light, her sentiment is undergirded by the same racist ideologies as people who openly denigrate him. That is, her remarks are fetishing and exoticizing Fannon as a sexual play thing to fit into her white fantasy– rendering him to be different, strange, and inhuman object. Although there may be positive intentions of her praise, it indirectly reinforces existing power structures by subjugating the black man as an object of sexual lust. This demonstrates how praising a black man for his blackness is just as detrimental as abasing him for it; such two contraries are actually two sides of the same coin.

This reading is closely connected to a previous reading of ‘seeing but not being seen,’ how the concept of the black man is one that is not created by himself– but rather, predetermined by the white gaze. Black people only ‘exist’ in relation to the white man, which is one of racial dominance and subordination. People’s identities are often shaped by the view of others around themselves; therefore, many black people falsely, but genuinely, believe that they are innately evil due to their skin color. For instance, Fanon implores that “Sin is black as virtue is white. All those white men, fingering their guns, can't be wrong. I am guilty. I don't know what of: but I know I'm a wretch” (118, Fanon). Thus, Fanon laments that black people are fettered to an identity that they didn’t craft, and shackled to an unjust system that refuses to acknowledge their collective humanity. This is because “the white gaze, the only valid one, is already dissecting me” (95, Fannon). Given that racism is an abstract concept that is a part of a larger culture, black people feel as if it is impossible to escape an entire culture which envelops them. Furthermore, one might ask the question: how can you escape something that is impalpable? If white superiority were a mirror, the black man only views himself in reflection to it. His identity is a construction of white opinion, rather than through his own agency. However, ultimately Fannon reclaims his identity as a ‘black’ ‘man’ in the end of the narrative by acknowledging his own personhood and giving himself the permission to reach the full potential of humanity, rather than having such rights denied by others.

(730 words)

Japanese Westernization & Empirical Expansion

The central theme of the assigned readings this week primarily concern Japan’s rise as an imperialist global power, with a specific focus on its dynamic relationship to other countries for both Asia and Western nations. The first reading by Iriye opened with an exploration into Japan’s strategy toward expansion; the Japanese adopted an amalgamation of Western technologies and the ingenuity of its own people to perpetuate imperialism onto her Asian neighbors. Japan sent scholars and diplomats to observe the most modern developments in Western nations, bringing back blueprints of different systems and technologies to be built in the mainland. For instance, the Japanese replicated German and French models of transportation– which allowed them to develop sophisticated railway systems. Moreover, Japan attempted to establish different “spheres of influence” in other Asian countries to become one of the major stakeholders in “the game of power politics in the world area” (11, Iriye). Thus, it was interesting to see Japanese imperialism take on a form where there is the physical integration of Asian countries, in addition to the ideological, cultural, and technological incorporation of Western elements. 

Higuchi further expounds upon the imperial expansion of the Japanese empire, and its shifting dynamics with other global forces through an agricultural lens. He characterizes Japan as an ‘organic’ empire that imported fish meal and soybean cake “from northern territories and spheres of influence” (142, Higuchi). This caused its commercial nitrogen fertilizers to remain predominantly plant and animal based until the early 19th century. The heavy exportation of Hokkaido’s herring fish and Manchuria’s soybean cake into mainland Japan implies that the imperial core aggressively exploited its peripheral regions– not only for minerals and fossil fuel, but also for plant and animal based products such as food, fiber, and fertilizer. Japan’s reliance on organic materials stands in stark contrast to the West, which uses only 2% of commercial nitrogen fertilizers that come from vegetable and animal sources– compared to 70% used in Japan (146, Higuchi). The nitrogen extraction from herring and soybean is a paragon illustration of how the Japanese followed western practices en suite, and were able to transform it into something entirely of their own making.

However, Japan’s unforeseen rise to becoming a formidable contender on the world’s political-economic platform also came with unprecedented complications– as discussed in Cumings and Shigenobu’s pieces. Even though the US was eager to keep Japan as a trade partner in the cooperative trilateral policy, they also viewed Japan as a threat due to its status as a rising global power. Determined to remain the central hegemonic power, the US set forth a series of orders against Japan in an attempt to stump the country’s new progress. Such restrictions included Nixon’s New Economic Policy in 1971, Japanese immigration ban laws, and ultimately the bombing of Pearl Harbor. The purpose of such stipulations was so that the US could continue to unilaterally influence and manage the world’s economy, with other Western nations following closely in favor. According to Cumings, “Japan’s problem was that it had upset the balance of the world system,” as the only Asian country who was able to break into the Western dominated game of imperial conquest– threatening to supersede the original players at an alarming rate. Thus, Western powers attempted to keep the Japanese and other Asian forces ‘in their place’ through a variety of means, including economic control, political intimidation, racism, and more. This was further reinforced by Shigenobu’s personal account of racist treatment from Westerners. Shigenobu calls for universal equality, and yet claims that the “white are obsessed with the mistaken theory that they are superior to all other races” (1, Shigenobu). The author laments the unfair treatment from Westerners towards Asiatic races, with terms such as the ‘yellow peril’ being used to describe Asians. Sanctimoniously, Shigenobu criticizes the US and modern Europe for utilizing slaves, but what is hypocritical about his account can be seen in imperial Japan’s brutal treatment towards its subjects. Racism was employed by the West as an instrument to control Japan’s role in the hierarchy of imperialist nations, and also reinforce their inferiority compared to the superiority of whites.

(665 words)

From Feudal System to Global Power: Japan's Meiji Revolution

The dominant theme of this week’s readings revolved around the complete overhaul of the Meiji Ishin in replacing the Japanese feudal system, and Japan’s attempt toward westernization. Especially during a time where social-political unrest was stirring, the uncertainty of the masses set the stage for a major revolution from a feudal state into a modern nation-state. Thus, the Japanese adopted a plethora of different western practices in its attempt to catch up to other global players; three major factors included a change in governance, religion, production, and technology inspired by western influences.

The Najita text discussed how the transition from a feudal system into a strong, centralized nation-state was not an easy process; Japan has faced predicaments of integrating its old traditions with new attempts to modernize, struggling to reconcile and decide which factors to abandon, and which to keep. For instance, the once honorable samurai warrior found himself almost completely stripped of his power; the samurais were swiftly and effectively declassed,  and had their hereditary stipends terminated and replaced with fixed-value bonds. To cushion the jarring declassment, the phrase 'shizoku' was used to refer to them and maintain what little social dignity that the Tokugawa aristocracy had left. Beyond this, samuris were "denied their conspicuous symbols of class identification and were ordered to shed their topknot hairstyle and, more crucially, their powerful swords" (82, Najita). As a medium towards centralization, the new Japanese government also mandated policies such as an universal education system and military conscription, inferably to promote a common, shared cultural fabric and strengthen Japanese nationalism sentiment. There was initial controversy over whether the social reorganization would either unify aristocrats and commoners together, or create a more divisive state. Former elites suddenly found themselves having to compete with ambitious farmers determined to make a life for themselves.

Fukuzawa and the other two readings discuss the dynamic changes in the national religion as being reflective of the drastic reforms that the Meiji was undertaking. Specifically, Buddhism and Christianity. The entrance of Christianity into Japan, and its growing appeal, gave rise to a new wave of intellectual thought and social-political attitudes. For instance, many Japanese priests championed for progressive beliefs such as universal suffrage, the separation of church and state (marked by the Great Teaching campaign), the participation of women in society, and other values of equality. This reflects that Japan was not only attempting to modernize in terms of its political and economic structure, but also in its cultural ideologies. Aligning with the political and economic changes to governance, religion in Japan sought to unify the people by providing an equal platform and common identity-- reinforcing the nationalist sentiment of the newly established nation-state.

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Imperial Repertoires of Power

Both Burbank’s chapter “Imperial Repertoires and Myths of Modern Colonialism” and the film “The Battle of Algiers” illustrate an embodiment of modern colonialism, and its gradual transfiguration into a bevy/constellation of nation-states. The imperial structures of the 19th century pioneered a novel definition of what constitutes an ‘empire’. Not only did modern empires rule over far more vast, expansive territories that were turned into colonies– but societally, technologically, economically, ethically, and intellectually demonstrate a marked departure from previous empires. New waves of industrialization catapulted western ethnocentrism and a rise in racial segregation. Scientific developments and new modes of transportation– such as railroads, steam engines, telegraphs, machine gun weaponry, and vaccines– allowed Westerners to explore other territories at an immensely more rapid speed. Such technological innovations allowed Europeans to quickly access the Chinese empire and ‘discover’ the North Americas. It also fueled the widespread European belief of being superior to other cultures. Western colonies justified their invasions of other territories by perpetuating an ethical ideology of being the ‘chosen’ people responsible for bringing European developments to tame these savages– claiming that it was the ‘white man’s burden’ to civilize the locals on indigenous lands. By spinning an ethical narrative to their colonial agenda, empires such as Great Britain, France, Portugal, and Spain attempted to conquer and expand into other areas of the world. The interactions between different nations promulgated the circulation of goods, inventions, and thought/ideas. Such Eurocentric models of imperialism later influenced the Japanese to take after western colonization. 

One of the major themes that connected this week’s reading with the movie is the discriminatory attitudes that European imperialists held toward colonized groups. In the film, it can be argued that Colonel Mathieu was the epitome of European sophistication and values. He is handsome, dignified, and charismatic– with suave sunglasses and a confident swagger. Most importantly, he embodies the intellectual reason that the French pride themselves on, used even when defending methods of torture used to quell the Algerian rebellion. In contrast, the Algerians represent the common everyman. Unlike the French, most of the Algerians were illiterate and oppressed by the colonial system. Even the loosely organized guerrilla movements showcase that the fighting methods of Algerians were far less refined than that of European warfare. Yet, the power and passion of the masses led their revolutionary efforts to a triumphant win. The European disdain toward Algerian locals were evident in the film, with multiple scenes filled with discrimination. The film sets a perfect example of how internal conflict within a colony, often due to racists and classist undertones of being conquered, can lead to insurgence of the masses. Similar instances in history include China’s Boxer Rebellion, the Cuban Revolution, the US Independence from Great Britain, and many more.

China in the 19th century serves as another example of the theme of the racist treatment that European authorities inflected toward its subjects. Burbank discussed how weaknesses in imperial rule can lead to exploitation by foreign powers, such as China’s Opium Wars. The occupation of Western forces in China’s internal mainland, such as the creation of spheres of Influences, underscore the strained dynamics between colonizers and the colonized– in this case, China. The introduction of addictive goods, such as tea, coffee, sugar, opium, and other drugs serves as a predominant reason that led to the fall of the great Qing Dynasty. This is in part because the trade caused China to allow foreign nations entry into the mainland, rendering them vulnerable, and causing them to lapse into the indentured fetters of European powers. It also serves as the perfect example of conflict and imperial control of a country brought about by external means. The contemporary trade-war betweenChina and the US demonstrates the potency of Eurocentrism as China’s colossal economic growth poses a threat to other players in the global market. It shows that the impact of colonialism and the residual historical tensions continue to have a resounding effect on our current political climate– whether we’d like it to or not.

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EMPIRES and the Emergence of the Nation-State

The overarching purpose that Burbank and Cooper expound upon in both texts examines how political bodies are shaped across time, while taking into account a variety of sovereign frameworks, ruling strategies, political-cultural ideologies, and national identity/affiliations that both colonizers and the colonized groups belong to. One of the major themes that Burbank and Cooper underscore is the role that homogeneity plays in establishing an empire versus a nation-state. The two readings also stress another important concept, namely that the transition from an empire into a nation-state is not linear or sustainable. Both historians argue that this is justified by the longevity of empires and the development of sophisticated societies under its rule. This renders our conception of the modern nation-state as an necessary aftermath to other forms of government to be somewhat expendable. Both themes hold critical implications for history, where I focus on discussing the former in this response.

A critical idea that Burbank and Cooper highlights is the issue of homogeneity in the incorporation of diverse pockets of people, used when distinguishing between an empire versus nation-state. An empire is an extensive political unit that is often composed of an aggregate of many territories brought under by supreme power. Nation-states, in contrast, is a sovereign polity that underscores the commonality of its majority community, often by increasing nationalist sentiment at the exclusion of minority populations and marginalized groups. Burbank contends “both kinds of states are incorporative– they insist that people be ruled by their institutions– but the nation-state tends to homogenize those inside its borders and exclude those who do not belong, while the empire reaches outward and draws, usually coercively, peoples whose difference is made explicit under its rule” (25, Burbank). Empires often self-consciously maintain the diversity of people that they conquer when incorporating them into an existing colony, and govern different people according to different customs within the polity. For instance, the Mongols normalized the multiplicity of people and their varied customs as a useful asset by employing Buddhist, Confucianist, Christian, Daoist, and Islamic administrators. Thus, the imperial strategy that the Mongols leveraged allowed the empire to shelter diverse religions and inflect its repertoires of power across the world. Burbank & Cooper posit “all empires were to some degree reliant on both incorporation and differentiation,” where they could integrate, build upon, or pioneer new ways of authoritative rule/political governance (30, Burbank). Conversely, the empire is more incorporative in that it declares the non-equivalence of multiple populations and emphasizes multicultural differences amongst people that exist within a nation.

On the contrary, nation-states attempt to draw strict boundaries between “undifferentiated insiders and ‘barbarian’ outsiders" (29, Burbank). For example, the Roman empire attempted to establish a highly homogenous civilization by constructing a unified religious community founded on the worship of Roman gods and goddesses, and later under Christianity. Another way that the Romans fostered homogenization is by developing distinct artistic styles through architecture, fine arts (sculptures & paintings), literature, scholarship and other pedagogical practices. Moreover, the Roman empire encouraged homogeneity amongst its civilians by underscoring democratic rule and legal citizenship rights, c creating a sense of agency that were only extended to men. Women, slaves,  barbarians, and other minorities outside of the main homogenous body were barred from political participation. The dangers of nationally homogeneous nation-states and polities is the possibility for tyranny to take place, which can result in political upheaval threatening to overthrow the regime.

A theme I want to investigate in the future is progress: in an economic-academic, ethical, and backward sense. The ability for empires to promulgate wide-sweeping political and economic transformations, propelling a nation to the global stage, to trade with other major players and global actors, and set into motion through competition. Technological innovations and scientific developments, such as European weaponry that allowed them to quickly access the Chinese and Persian Empire in addition to exploring ‘undiscovered’ territory such as the North Americas. Ethicality and the morality of personhood (status). Conversely, I would like to understand how weaknesses in imperial rule can lead to exploitation by foreign powers, such as China’s Opium Wars that lead to the fall of the great Qing Dynasty. Lapse into the indentured fetters of European powers. 

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